Stifling free media, arresting journalists, bullying its neighbours – Moscow is
stamping on freedoms and the EU turns a blind eye
Garry Kasparov
guardian.co.uk, Tuesday 23 February 2010 12.06 GMT
In the capitals of European democracies, leaders are hailing a new era of
co-operation with Russia. Berlin claims a “special relationship” with Moscow and
is moving forward on a series of major energy projects with Russian energy giant
Gazprom, one of which is led by the former German chancellor Gerhard Schrцder.
Italian prime minister Silvio Berlusconi traveled to St Petersburg late last
year to join in the celebration of his “great friend” Vladimir Putin’s 59th
birthday. And in Paris, negotiations are under way for a major arms sale that
would allow Russia to acquire one of the most advanced ships in the French navy.
At the same time, democratic dissent inside Russia has been ruthlessly
suppressed. On 31 January, the Russian government refused to allow the peaceful
assembly of citizens who demonstrated in support of … the right to free
assembly, enshrined in article 31 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation:
the right “to gather peacefully and to hold meetings, rallies, demonstrations,
marches and pickets”.
Likewise, Russian journalists have been increasingly harassed for expressing any
criticism of the government. But prosecution is hardly the worst outcome for
Russian journalists who fail to report the news in a “patriotic” manner. In
2009, more than dozen of journalists, human rights activists and political
opponents were killed.
Having stifled internal criticism of its policies in the Caucasus, the Russian
government is now turning its attention to those who criticise them from abroad
– and it is being abetted in this project by European businesses and
governments. The last victim of Moscow’s censors and their western friends is
called Perviy Kavkazskiy (First-Caucasian). This young Russian-language
television station was, until the end of January, freely available to people
living in Russian-speaking areas. Now, Eutelsat – the leading European satellite
provider based in Paris – has taken the channel off the air and refuses to
implement the contract negotiated with the TV.
It seems the Russian company Intersputnik made Eutelsat an offer it couldn’t
refuse on 15 January, holding out the possibility of millions of dollars in
business with the media holdings of Russian gas giant Gazprom on the condition
that Eutelsat stop doing business with First-Caucasian. Eutelsat capitulated and
sent a disastrous message to the world: no Russian-language television that is
not controlled by the Kremlin will be allowed to be aired in the Russian
Federation. Even if it is based abroad. Even if it has a contract with a
European satellite provider.
The English-language satellite channel, Russia Today, funded and controlled by
the Russian government, did not face such problems with European satellites.
This channel has recently launched an advertising blitz in the United States and
the United Kingdom featuring billboards that show the face of US President
Barack Obama morphing into that of Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Nobody
raised any concerns about Russia Today and western viewers will be allowed to
receive the propaganda that is broadcasted in Russia. But the very idea of an
alternative channel in Russian language seems too “provocative” to some
Europeans.
Eutelsat’s collaboration with these policies is a clear violation of the spirit
of the EU laws protecting freedom of the press, and French courts may well find
that the firm violated more than just the spirit of the law as the case against
Eutelstat unfolds in the coming weeks. Still, this is just the latest example of
European complicity in the Kremlin’s consolidation of political power inside the
country and its reconstitution of the military used to coerce those nations that
lie just across the border.
This is the context in which came recent reports that the French government
intends to go forward with the sale to Russia of one or more Mistral-class
amphibious assault ships. The Russian military has not concealed its plan for
these weapons. In September of last year, the Russian admiral Vladimir Vysotsky
triumphantly declared that “a ship like this would have allowed the Black Sea
fleet to accomplish its mission [invading Georgia] in 40 minutes and not 26
hours”.
Only a little more than a year ago, as Russian tanks occupied parts of Georgia,
Nato secretary general Jaap de Hoop Scheffer declared that there could be “no
business as usual with Russia under present circumstances”. Russian forces still
occupy Georgian territory, in violation of the ceasefire brokered by French
president Nicolas Sarkozy, and yet Nato, too, is back to business as usual with
Putin’s regime.
As Moscow shuts down opposition newspapers, arrests journalists who fail to toe
the government line and bullies its democratic neighbours into submission, some
European leaders are not silent. Instead they are arguing for closer ties to
Moscow, for energy cooperation, for military for arms deals.
European leaders must take a stand for freedom of speech and in defence of the
free media that enables it. This starts by making clear to European companies
that they are not supposed to be the obedient tools of the Kremlin’s censorship.
The same leaders should also show that, at the beginning of the 21st century,
one cannot occupy a foreign territory without consequence. It clearly does not
imply selling weapons to occupation forces. At stake is not only the freedom of
Russian citizens, but also the very meaning and the honour of Europe.
• The following people endorse this article: Elena Bonner-Sakharov; Konstantin
Borovoп, chairman of the Party for Economic Freedom; Vladimir Boukovsky, former
political prisoner; Natalia Gorbanevskaia, poet, former political prisoner;
Andreп Illarionov, former adviser to Vladimir Putin; Garry Kasparov, leader of
United Citizens Front; Serguei Kovaliev, former minister to Boris Yeltsin;
Andreп Mironov, former political prisoner; Andreп Nekrasov, filmmaker; Valeria
Novodvorskaya, leader of Democratic Unity of Russia; Oleg Panfilov, TV
presenter; Grigory Pasko, journalist, ecology activist, former political
prisoner; Leonid Pliouchtch, essayist, former political prisoner; Alexandre
Podrabinek, journalist, former political prisoner; Zoпa Svetova, journalist;
Maпrbek Vatchagaev, historian; Tatiana Yankelevitch, archivist, Harvard; Lydia
Youssoupova, lawyer
Guardian: Garry Kasparov
Don’t cosy up to Russia, Europe
Stifling free media, arresting journalists, bullying its neighbours – Moscow is
stamping on freedoms and the EU turns a blind eye
Garry Kasparov
guardian.co.uk, Tuesday 23 February 2010 12.06 GMT
In the capitals of European democracies, leaders are hailing a new era of
co-operation with Russia. Berlin claims a “special relationship” with Moscow and
is moving forward on a series of major energy projects with Russian energy giant
Gazprom, one of which is led by the former German chancellor Gerhard Schrцder.
Italian prime minister Silvio Berlusconi traveled to St Petersburg late last
year to join in the celebration of his “great friend” Vladimir Putin’s 59th
birthday. And in Paris, negotiations are under way for a major arms sale that
would allow Russia to acquire one of the most advanced ships in the French navy.
At the same time, democratic dissent inside Russia has been ruthlessly
suppressed. On 31 January, the Russian government refused to allow the peaceful
assembly of citizens who demonstrated in support of … the right to free
assembly, enshrined in article 31 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation:
the right “to gather peacefully and to hold meetings, rallies, demonstrations,
marches and pickets”.
Likewise, Russian journalists have been increasingly harassed for expressing any
criticism of the government. But prosecution is hardly the worst outcome for
Russian journalists who fail to report the news in a “patriotic” manner. In
2009, more than dozen of journalists, human rights activists and political
opponents were killed.
Having stifled internal criticism of its policies in the Caucasus, the Russian
government is now turning its attention to those who criticise them from abroad
– and it is being abetted in this project by European businesses and
governments. The last victim of Moscow’s censors and their western friends is
called Perviy Kavkazskiy (First-Caucasian). This young Russian-language
television station was, until the end of January, freely available to people
living in Russian-speaking areas. Now, Eutelsat – the leading European satellite
provider based in Paris – has taken the channel off the air and refuses to
implement the contract negotiated with the TV.
It seems the Russian company Intersputnik made Eutelsat an offer it couldn’t
refuse on 15 January, holding out the possibility of millions of dollars in
business with the media holdings of Russian gas giant Gazprom on the condition
that Eutelsat stop doing business with First-Caucasian. Eutelsat capitulated and
sent a disastrous message to the world: no Russian-language television that is
not controlled by the Kremlin will be allowed to be aired in the Russian
Federation. Even if it is based abroad. Even if it has a contract with a
European satellite provider.
The English-language satellite channel, Russia Today, funded and controlled by
the Russian government, did not face such problems with European satellites.
This channel has recently launched an advertising blitz in the United States and
the United Kingdom featuring billboards that show the face of US President
Barack Obama morphing into that of Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Nobody
raised any concerns about Russia Today and western viewers will be allowed to
receive the propaganda that is broadcasted in Russia. But the very idea of an
alternative channel in Russian language seems too “provocative” to some
Europeans.
Eutelsat’s collaboration with these policies is a clear violation of the spirit
of the EU laws protecting freedom of the press, and French courts may well find
that the firm violated more than just the spirit of the law as the case against
Eutelstat unfolds in the coming weeks. Still, this is just the latest example of
European complicity in the Kremlin’s consolidation of political power inside the
country and its reconstitution of the military used to coerce those nations that
lie just across the border.
This is the context in which came recent reports that the French government
intends to go forward with the sale to Russia of one or more Mistral-class
amphibious assault ships. The Russian military has not concealed its plan for
these weapons. In September of last year, the Russian admiral Vladimir Vysotsky
triumphantly declared that “a ship like this would have allowed the Black Sea
fleet to accomplish its mission [invading Georgia] in 40 minutes and not 26
hours”.
Only a little more than a year ago, as Russian tanks occupied parts of Georgia,
Nato secretary general Jaap de Hoop Scheffer declared that there could be “no
business as usual with Russia under present circumstances”. Russian forces still
occupy Georgian territory, in violation of the ceasefire brokered by French
president Nicolas Sarkozy, and yet Nato, too, is back to business as usual with
Putin’s regime.
As Moscow shuts down opposition newspapers, arrests journalists who fail to toe
the government line and bullies its democratic neighbours into submission, some
European leaders are not silent. Instead they are arguing for closer ties to
Moscow, for energy cooperation, for military for arms deals.
European leaders must take a stand for freedom of speech and in defence of the
free media that enables it. This starts by making clear to European companies
that they are not supposed to be the obedient tools of the Kremlin’s censorship.
The same leaders should also show that, at the beginning of the 21st century,
one cannot occupy a foreign territory without consequence. It clearly does not
imply selling weapons to occupation forces. At stake is not only the freedom of
Russian citizens, but also the very meaning and the honour of Europe.
• The following people endorse this article: Elena Bonner-Sakharov; Konstantin
Borovoп, chairman of the Party for Economic Freedom; Vladimir Boukovsky, former
political prisoner; Natalia Gorbanevskaia, poet, former political prisoner;
Andreп Illarionov, former adviser to Vladimir Putin; Garry Kasparov, leader of
United Citizens Front; Serguei Kovaliev, former minister to Boris Yeltsin;
Andreп Mironov, former political prisoner; Andreп Nekrasov, filmmaker; Valeria
Novodvorskaya, leader of Democratic Unity of Russia; Oleg Panfilov, TV
presenter; Grigory Pasko, journalist, ecology activist, former political
prisoner; Leonid Pliouchtch, essayist, former political prisoner; Alexandre
Podrabinek, journalist, former political prisoner; Zoпa Svetova, journalist;
Maпrbek Vatchagaev, historian; Tatiana Yankelevitch, archivist, Harvard; Lydia
Youssoupova, lawyer
from → Commentary